Turkey could gain “special participation” in European security frameworks without becoming a full member.
A frightening plan that would secure their control over decisions in an expanded European Union is being developed by major European powers such as Germany and France. This is because the European Union is preparing to radically change the way membership and participation in the European structure are defined. Brussels is working on a new model of a “multi-tier Europe”, where core countries — with full rights and veto power — coexist with a second circle of member states with limited participation. Essentially, a formalized “gray zone” is being created: a group of countries like Ukraine, Moldova, and the Western Balkans, which would enjoy the benefits of EU participation without having a say in final decisions.
The plan hits Greece
And this discussion directly concerns Greece, especially if the “two-speed” model progresses and is linked to security and defense issues such as the SAFE framework.
The proposal currently under discussion in Brussels is not only about enlargement with Ukraine or the Western Balkans. Behind the lines, it hides a broader logic of “delegating” veto rights from member states, at least in certain policy areas — such as foreign policy, security, and defense. This means that in the future, Greece might not have the ability to block decisions related to Turkey, if it is decided that such decisions are now made by qualified majority.
Furthermore, if the idea of “partial membership” is adopted, the EU could include countries in specific sectors (e.g., defense, energy, market) without granting them full institutional participation. In practice, this means that Turkey could theoretically participate in a European security scheme like SAFE without becoming a full EU member. In such a scenario — if no veto right is foreseen — Greece would not be able to block it, as it has done so far with Ankara’s full membership bid.
Essentially, Germany, France, and the Scandinavian countries want to prevent a situation where a small country — like Greece or Hungary — can block an entire European policy.
Thus, the new system could limit Athens’ ability to use the veto as a pressure tool on matters of national interest, such as Turkey, Cyprus, or the Eastern Mediterranean.
The plan
More specifically, according to Politico, new states could join the European Union without full voting rights, in a move that could make leaders like Viktor Orbán of Hungary more receptive to the accession of countries like Ukraine into the bloc. The proposal to change EU accession rules is in its initial stages and must be approved by all existing member states, according to three European diplomats and an EU official familiar with the discussions. The idea is that new members would gain full rights once the EU reforms the way it operates, making it harder for individual countries to exercise veto power over policies.
This is the latest attempt by pro-enlargement governments, such as Austria and Sweden, to revive the enlargement process, which is currently blocked by Hungary and some other capitals, due to fears that it could trigger unwanted competition in local markets or endanger security interests.
The EU has made enlargement a strategic priority against the expansionist agenda of Russian President Vladimir Putin. However, the effort to increase the membership from 27 to 30 over the next decade reveals the Union’s internal divisions.
“Future members should be required to waive veto rights until key institutional reforms are implemented — such as introducing qualified majority voting in most policy areas,” said Anton Hofreiter, Chair of the Committee on European Affairs of the German Bundestag. “Enlargement must not be slowed down by member states that block reforms.”
The initiative would allow countries already on the path to accession, such as Ukraine, Moldova, and Montenegro, to enjoy many of the benefits of EU membership without veto rights — something that member state governments have traditionally considered the ultimate tool to prevent unwanted policies.
According to the same diplomats and officials, the thinking behind the proposal — discussed informally among EU countries and the Commission — is that admitting new states without veto rights, at least in the initial phase, would allow more flexible terms without requiring a revision of the EU’s core treaties, something many governments consider unthinkable.
Until now, EU leaders insisted that such a revision was necessary before admitting new members like Ukraine, citing the risk of paralysis of Brussels procedures. However, attempts to remove veto rights even for existing members have met strong resistance — not only from Hungary but also from France and the Netherlands.
Growing frustration
The plan to admit new members without full voting rights will “ensure that we remain capable of functioning even in an expanded EU,” said Hofreiter. “From my discussions with representatives of the Western Balkan countries, I receive clear messages that this approach is considered constructive and realistic.”
The requirement not to admit new states until the EU reforms the way it operates could allow the bloc to “freeze enlargement through the back door,” he added.
This push coincides with growing frustration in Eastern European and Western Balkan countries, which have undertaken deep internal reforms without substantially approaching accession, years after applying. In the case of Montenegro, accession negotiations began in 2012.
“The last country to join [the EU] was Croatia, more than 10 years ago — and in the meantime, the United Kingdom left,” said Montenegrin President Jakov Milatović to Politico. “That’s why I believe now is the time to revive the process, to breathe new life into the idea of the EU as a union that still exerts attraction.”
Ukrainian Deputy Prime Minister Taras Kachka shared the same concerns, calling for “creative” solutions to unblock enlargement. Ukraine’s candidacy is currently stalled due to Hungary’s veto.
“Waiting is not an option,” Kachka said. “We need a solution here and now. This is important for Ukraine, but also for the European Union. I believe that just as Russia tests European security with drones, the same is happening with efforts to undermine EU unity.”
Political obstacles
Although European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has placed enlargement at the center of her strategic agenda, highlighting the prospect of Ukraine and Moldova joining by 2030, member states have not yet accepted efforts to accelerate the process.
Earlier this month, EU countries rejected an attempt by European Council President António Costa — first revealed by Politico — to advance enlargement.
Leaders of the Western Balkan countries — Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia — will meet on Wednesday in London as part of the “Berlin Process”, aiming to strengthen cooperation as a precursor to EU accession.
Ahead of the upcoming Commission evaluation of accession negotiation progress, a European diplomat suggested that the Commission could accelerate the process by advancing talks without seeking formal approval from all 27 member states each time — thereby avoiding Orbán’s veto at every stage.
A key element of the enlargement package will also be a proposal for internal EU reforms, preparing the bloc for the integration of new members.
Confrontation with Russia
At the same time, an early draft of the conclusions from Thursday’s summit in Brussels makes no reference to enlargement — sparking anger among pro-enlargement countries.
EU accession is often promoted as the key geopolitical tool of the Union against Russian aggression.
“When we look at enlargement today, one thing is clear: we need to become faster, less bureaucratic, and more effective,” Claudia Plakolm, Austria’s Deputy Minister for European Affairs, told Politico. “If the EU does not strengthen its role, we will lose ground to third-party actors already waiting to take our place.”
The prospect of EU membership was a central issue in Moldova’s recent elections, won by pro-European President Maia Sandu, and has been a key motivator for Ukrainians since the Maidan protests in 2014 against Russian dominance.
“Ukrainians have been fighting every day for the past three and a half years to keep Russia out of Europe,” said EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos in a written statement to Politico. “In Moldova, it was the credibility of the European perspective that proved decisive… I am confident that member states will not risk this.”
However, despite pressure from Brussels, European leaders — facing the rise of the far-right in their own countries — do not appear willing to accelerate the bloc’s enlargement to 30 or more members.
In a press conference in July, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz admitted he does not expect Ukraine to join the EU within the framework of the next seven-year budget, which runs until 2034.
Ukraine’s accession, he said, “likely will have no immediate impact on the EU’s medium-term fiscal outlook.”
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The plan hits Greece
And this discussion directly concerns Greece, especially if the “two-speed” model progresses and is linked to security and defense issues such as the SAFE framework.
The proposal currently under discussion in Brussels is not only about enlargement with Ukraine or the Western Balkans. Behind the lines, it hides a broader logic of “delegating” veto rights from member states, at least in certain policy areas — such as foreign policy, security, and defense. This means that in the future, Greece might not have the ability to block decisions related to Turkey, if it is decided that such decisions are now made by qualified majority.
Furthermore, if the idea of “partial membership” is adopted, the EU could include countries in specific sectors (e.g., defense, energy, market) without granting them full institutional participation. In practice, this means that Turkey could theoretically participate in a European security scheme like SAFE without becoming a full EU member. In such a scenario — if no veto right is foreseen — Greece would not be able to block it, as it has done so far with Ankara’s full membership bid.
Essentially, Germany, France, and the Scandinavian countries want to prevent a situation where a small country — like Greece or Hungary — can block an entire European policy.
Thus, the new system could limit Athens’ ability to use the veto as a pressure tool on matters of national interest, such as Turkey, Cyprus, or the Eastern Mediterranean.
The plan
More specifically, according to Politico, new states could join the European Union without full voting rights, in a move that could make leaders like Viktor Orbán of Hungary more receptive to the accession of countries like Ukraine into the bloc. The proposal to change EU accession rules is in its initial stages and must be approved by all existing member states, according to three European diplomats and an EU official familiar with the discussions. The idea is that new members would gain full rights once the EU reforms the way it operates, making it harder for individual countries to exercise veto power over policies.
This is the latest attempt by pro-enlargement governments, such as Austria and Sweden, to revive the enlargement process, which is currently blocked by Hungary and some other capitals, due to fears that it could trigger unwanted competition in local markets or endanger security interests.
The EU has made enlargement a strategic priority against the expansionist agenda of Russian President Vladimir Putin. However, the effort to increase the membership from 27 to 30 over the next decade reveals the Union’s internal divisions.
“Future members should be required to waive veto rights until key institutional reforms are implemented — such as introducing qualified majority voting in most policy areas,” said Anton Hofreiter, Chair of the Committee on European Affairs of the German Bundestag. “Enlargement must not be slowed down by member states that block reforms.”
The initiative would allow countries already on the path to accession, such as Ukraine, Moldova, and Montenegro, to enjoy many of the benefits of EU membership without veto rights — something that member state governments have traditionally considered the ultimate tool to prevent unwanted policies.
According to the same diplomats and officials, the thinking behind the proposal — discussed informally among EU countries and the Commission — is that admitting new states without veto rights, at least in the initial phase, would allow more flexible terms without requiring a revision of the EU’s core treaties, something many governments consider unthinkable.
Until now, EU leaders insisted that such a revision was necessary before admitting new members like Ukraine, citing the risk of paralysis of Brussels procedures. However, attempts to remove veto rights even for existing members have met strong resistance — not only from Hungary but also from France and the Netherlands.
Growing frustration
The plan to admit new members without full voting rights will “ensure that we remain capable of functioning even in an expanded EU,” said Hofreiter. “From my discussions with representatives of the Western Balkan countries, I receive clear messages that this approach is considered constructive and realistic.”
The requirement not to admit new states until the EU reforms the way it operates could allow the bloc to “freeze enlargement through the back door,” he added.
This push coincides with growing frustration in Eastern European and Western Balkan countries, which have undertaken deep internal reforms without substantially approaching accession, years after applying. In the case of Montenegro, accession negotiations began in 2012.
“The last country to join [the EU] was Croatia, more than 10 years ago — and in the meantime, the United Kingdom left,” said Montenegrin President Jakov Milatović to Politico. “That’s why I believe now is the time to revive the process, to breathe new life into the idea of the EU as a union that still exerts attraction.”
Ukrainian Deputy Prime Minister Taras Kachka shared the same concerns, calling for “creative” solutions to unblock enlargement. Ukraine’s candidacy is currently stalled due to Hungary’s veto.
“Waiting is not an option,” Kachka said. “We need a solution here and now. This is important for Ukraine, but also for the European Union. I believe that just as Russia tests European security with drones, the same is happening with efforts to undermine EU unity.”
Political obstacles
Although European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has placed enlargement at the center of her strategic agenda, highlighting the prospect of Ukraine and Moldova joining by 2030, member states have not yet accepted efforts to accelerate the process.
Earlier this month, EU countries rejected an attempt by European Council President António Costa — first revealed by Politico — to advance enlargement.
Leaders of the Western Balkan countries — Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia — will meet on Wednesday in London as part of the “Berlin Process”, aiming to strengthen cooperation as a precursor to EU accession.
Ahead of the upcoming Commission evaluation of accession negotiation progress, a European diplomat suggested that the Commission could accelerate the process by advancing talks without seeking formal approval from all 27 member states each time — thereby avoiding Orbán’s veto at every stage.
A key element of the enlargement package will also be a proposal for internal EU reforms, preparing the bloc for the integration of new members.
Confrontation with Russia
At the same time, an early draft of the conclusions from Thursday’s summit in Brussels makes no reference to enlargement — sparking anger among pro-enlargement countries.
EU accession is often promoted as the key geopolitical tool of the Union against Russian aggression.
“When we look at enlargement today, one thing is clear: we need to become faster, less bureaucratic, and more effective,” Claudia Plakolm, Austria’s Deputy Minister for European Affairs, told Politico. “If the EU does not strengthen its role, we will lose ground to third-party actors already waiting to take our place.”
The prospect of EU membership was a central issue in Moldova’s recent elections, won by pro-European President Maia Sandu, and has been a key motivator for Ukrainians since the Maidan protests in 2014 against Russian dominance.
“Ukrainians have been fighting every day for the past three and a half years to keep Russia out of Europe,” said EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos in a written statement to Politico. “In Moldova, it was the credibility of the European perspective that proved decisive… I am confident that member states will not risk this.”
However, despite pressure from Brussels, European leaders — facing the rise of the far-right in their own countries — do not appear willing to accelerate the bloc’s enlargement to 30 or more members.
In a press conference in July, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz admitted he does not expect Ukraine to join the EU within the framework of the next seven-year budget, which runs until 2034.
Ukraine’s accession, he said, “likely will have no immediate impact on the EU’s medium-term fiscal outlook.”
www.bankingnews.gr
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